The emergence and occurrence of ethnic conflicts

Due to ethnic, linguistic, and cultural diversities, there is potential for ethnic conflicts and ethnic tensions in the community. However, the emergence and occurrence of ethnic conflicts depend on the state’s approach to managing or suppressing ethnic, linguistic, and cultural variations, emphasizing ethnic conflicts in Iraq. The research hypothesis is that through the creation of bureaucratic structures, the development of political parties, and the identification and acceptance of cultural and linguistic commonalities.


Teaching conflict resolution during a war is like teaching farmers how to plant and yield crops in a food shortage. Who cares what happens a year from now if people are starving today? When people fight to stay alive, teaching them how to negotiate and mediate conflicts is not what they need most. The real work, it seems, is in prevention.
This is what I felt in April 2007 when I was asked by an international NGO, CHF International, to for Iraqi community leaders on conflict resolution, negotiation, and mediation. What could I teach that would apply to their immediate situation? Why would they want to learn these skills when simple daily tasks could be life-threatening? How could they apply the information in a constantly changing environment? All of this made the assignment seem like a mistake, not to mention that I am American, female, and Jewish.
I agonized over these questions even as I started my journey to Irbil, the capital of Kurdistan in northern Iraq, where the two-week session with Iraqi community leaders was held. Despite my doubts, I decided that I needed to try. I realized in the middle of the training why, thankfully, my doubts were wrong and how genuinely crucial it can be to teach these skills in the throes of a violent crisis. This discovery and the lessons learned from the process are the purposes of this chapter. The goal is to explore the utility of teaching conflict resolution in war and to identify critical interventions and challenges within that context that practitioners around the world can apply to similar efforts.



Lesson (i)
Teaching Conflict Resolution in a War Zone
Teaching conflict resolution during a war is like teaching farmers how to plant and yield crops in a food shortage. Who cares what happens a year from now if people are starving today? When people fight to stay alive, teaching them how to negotiate and mediate conflicts is not what they need most. The real work, it seems, is in prevention.
This is what I felt in April 2007 when I was asked by an international NGO, CHF International, to co-facilitate two-week training for Iraqi community leaders on conflict resolution, negotiation, and mediation. What could I teach that would apply to their immediate situation? Why would they want to learn these skills when simple daily tasks could be life-threatening?
I agonized over these questions even as I started my journey to Irbil, the capital of Kurdistan in northern Iraq, where the two-week session with Iraqi community leaders was held. Despite my doubts, I decided that I needed to try. I realized in the middle of the training why, thankfully, my doubts were wrong and how genuinely crucial it can be to teach these skills in the throes of a violent crisis. This discovery and the lessons learned from the process are the purposes of this chapter. The goal is to explore the utility of teaching conflict resolution in war and to identify critical interventions and challenges within that context that practitioners around the world can apply to similar efforts.
Lesson (ii)
Levels of Conflict in Iraq
The war gave way to what many experts in the region anticipatedmore war. The battle between coalition and opposition forces ensued and unleashed violent conflicts between sectarian and tribal groups within Iraq. Though Sunnis are the majority in the Muslim world, most in Iraq are Shiites. Before the war, Sunnis and Shiites lived together. The conflict fuelled resentments and led to violence between and within communities.
Most people do not realize that tribal conflicts are as contentious as sectarian ones in Iraq. Tribal culture, particularly in rural areas, is a core focus for individuals and communities. Affiliations with tribes and informal governance systems at the tribal level make up the foundation for social cohesion, education, livelihoods, and community. Upheaval in Iraq has opened up simmering tribal tensions and created new ones.
The cost of these conflicts has been high for coalition forces and much higher for Iraqis. Since the beginning of the war, more than 4,300 coalition soldiers have died4,000 Americans. Although the number of Iraqis killed in the war is unclear, the Iraqi health ministry estimated 100,000 to 150,000 by 2006. Another source, the Lancet Survey, estimates a much higher Iraqi death toll, reaching more than 600,000.
The complexity and multitude of conflicts in Iraq pose difficult questions for practitioners working on conflict resolution. At what level do we begin? If we choose a specific kind of conflict (tribal, sectarian, coalition vs. opposition), does this mean we forsake others? Moreover, what happens when all levels of conflict, international, sectarian, and tribalmust be addressed to move forward on any resolution, big or small?
The only way to begin is to look for common denominators within the vast complexity of conflicts at the coalition, sectarian and tribal levels and consider that these and others may be operating simultaneously. It, therefore, becomes a balancing act between depth and breadth. There are countless targets, and all are in constant motion.

Lesson (iii)
The ProjectTraining of Trainers for Iraqi Community Leaders
In 2004, five international NGOs established a Community Action Program (CAP) to help Iraqis rebuild at the community level. The NGOs established Community Action Groups (CAGs) throughout Iraq comprised of elected prominent men and women in the community, including school principals, Mukhtars, Sheiks, directors of hospitals, and teachers. The idea behind the program was to support self-directed rehabilitative efforts. The emphasis was on infrastructural development, building, and rebuilding roads, hospitals, pipelines, and water irrigation projects during the first phase. The NGOs served as a resource for logistics, securing contract labor, and guiding the process when necessary.
Experiences among the CAGs in Iraq varied greatly; however, they all shared the problem of paralysis in their work. Across the board, CAGS faced internal conflicts within and between communities, leading to a breakdown, in many cases, a complete halt in the process. Some communities could not agree on priorities for projects; others fought with neighboring villages when trying to access a water source; others battled with dishonest and undependable contractors.
In 2006, CHF International began preparing for phase two to direct funds to be economical and health-related projects. They asked CAG members what they needed to progress; many requested negotiation and mediation skills to complete the projects and continue their work.
A team of two consultants (me and another female American trainer) was hired by CHF International to conduct a two-week training on conflict resolution, negotiation, and mediation for 16 CAG members and 7 CHF staff members. The goal was to design training of trainers (TOT) through which participants could train their fellow CAG and community members and use these skills to implement the projects effectively in their communities. We worked with local trainers to share the planning and facilitation process.
The project resulted in the development of three training sessions that CAG members took back to their communities and taught to their colleagues. CHF staff traveled throughout the country to provide technical assistance and support to each CAG trainer. The sessions were compiled into a handbook and distributed to other CAGs throughout Iraq.
Q1. When is teaching people how to negotiate and mediate conflicts not what they need most?
a) When People Are Getting Along
b) When People Fight To Stay Alive
c) When People Are In A Good Mood
d) When People Are Bored

Q2. What did Iraqi community leaders want to know about conflict resolution, negotiation, and mediation?
a) Long Term Effects
b) Immediate Situation
c) Aftermath
d) Consequences
Q4. Where was the two-week session with Iraqi community leaders held?
a) Irbil
b) Baghdad
c) Basra
d) Mosul
Q5. What did I decide to do when I was asked to co-facilitate a two-week training for Iraq?
a) I Needed To Try
b) I Decided To Stay
c) I Decided To Leave
d) I Decided To Go
Q6. When did Iraqi community leaders need to learn conflict resolution skills?
a) Violent Crisis
b) Never
c) When They Became Community Leaders
d) When They Were Elected
Q7. What is the goal of this chapter?
a) To Explore The Utility Of Teaching Conflict Resolution In War
b) To Explore The Utility Of Teaching Conflict Resolution In The Workplace
c) To Explore The Utility Of Teaching Conflict Resolution In School
Q9. What two forces were involved in the conflict in Iraq?
a) America And Russia
b) North And South Korea
c) Coalition And Opposition Forces
d) China And India
Q8. What are the majority of Sunnis in Iraq?
a) Kurds
b) Turkmen
c) Shiites
d) Christians
Q9. Who lived together before the war?
a) North And South Korea
b) Jews And Arabs
c) Sunnis And Shiites
d) Al-Qaeda And Isis

Q10. What did the conflict between Sunnis and Shiites lead to?
a) Understanding
b) Violence
c) Tolerance
d) Friendship








Lesson (i)
Immediate Applicability
Abstract ideas do not apply amid a crisis. People need practical, hands-on tools. The CAG members came to the training feeling frustrated. They knew the funding (at least some of it) was available to begin rebuilding parts of their communities. However, they could not get beyond conflicts between community members, contractors, and neighboring villages. Water pipes sat unfinished; foundations for roads were taking months to complete, and people within many of the towns and villages were at odds with each other.
A neighboring village chief threatened to take up arms against one community if the community accessed their water source. He believed there would not be enough for his village if he granted access to his neighbors. In another village, community members protested the building of a road that did not pass by their homes. They refused to allow the project to move forward unless they were included. Most communities struggled with contractors who did not complete the jobs, demanded too much money, or did not adhere to their agreements. This frustration was the fuel for the training.
Without an immediate situation in which to apply the skills learned and without concrete examples, the training could not have been nearly as important to the participants. This truth became particularly apparent at the beginning of the fourth day of the training. We were preparing to drive to the hotel where the training was held when a car bomb exploded just blocks away, shattering the glass windows of the hotel, and causing more than 60 deaths. It was the first time there had been a bomb in Irbil since the beginning of the war, and although no one expected it, the event hardly shocked the participants.
Our security officers held us back from the training that day, and we offered over the phone to give the participants the day off because we could not come. Not one person agreed. Instead, they chose to use the day to delve more deeply into some of the conflicts they were having in their respective communities and seek advice from their colleagues. They stayed until the late evening hours on their own, exchanging new ideas and planning ways they could use the tools they were learning to make progress on the projects they had started in their communities.
The next day, when we walked into the training room of a new location, there was little talk of the bombing. Instead, they wanted to seek our input on their discussions from the previous day.
Never before had I seen such dedication and a sense of urgency about training. I realized that the pending crisishospitals and roads half-built, contracts stuck in negotiations, pipelines laid down but without water running through themwere the immediate crises they believed could be solved with the right tools and skills. They may not have had power over the war, but things were waiting to get done in their villages that could change the lives of their peopleand they were dedicated to making that happen.
The lesson for the practitioner teaching conflict resolution is that much depends on the immediacy and efficacy the skills shared can be applied. There must be a tangible, clear project, aim, and end. The training must not only refer to the situation but be rooted in it, constantly using examples from participants experiences to practice the skills they are learning.
Lesson (ii)
Cultural Flexibility
This idea of a win-win solution isnt something that we particularly embrace. I am a Mukhtar, so generally there is a hierarchy, and I am the person who makes the decisionsWe dont negotiate because we dont have to negotiate. In the same breath, the Mukhtar turned to his colleagues and explained to them that things were changing in the country so constantly that old forms of tribal governance were no longer the same, and communities were battling to the point where negotiating seemed to be one of the only alternatives to violence. We need this, he said, trying to convince them that the skills might help. He turned back to us, Do you think I could use these negotiation skills with my son? he asked half-smiling.
This Mukhtars point was an eye-opener for me. I was well briefed by the staff prior to the training and had done enough research to expect resistance, but I did not truly understand the tribal culture of decision making, the impact, and resulting changes of the sudden loss of the state. Nothing was the same. People vacillated between adherence to old norms and openness to new ideas that could address the current chaos.
The question for the practitioner is how to introduce concepts that do not fit into the traditional culture of decision-making. Arguably, the shift of power hierarchies and forms of governance caused by war provide an opening to introduce new methods and ideas. At the same time, these ideas, particularly when presented by representatives of the dominant invasive forces (in this case, Americans), can be viewed as ignorant at best and undermining.
Lesson (iii)
Ideological Commitment
On the first day of our training, a tribal chief asked my translator to tell me something. He spoke with almost no expression, as though the reality of his situation had not yet registered fully. I had two daughters before the war, he explained. One was killed in an ambush near our village, and the other died of diarrhea the day Sadam was hanged.
I was stunned. I had been in post-war settings and heard the stories of loss and pain, but something about his expression, and the knowledge that there could be more loss to come left me utterly speechless. I stared blankly at my translator, who studied my face for a moment and said, Dont look so surprised. This is the story of every person in the room.
A week later, when I had established some trust with the participants, I asked what motivated them to come to the training. Many of them, particularly the women, had to risk their own safety to get to northern Iraq, and none of them were being compensated for their work. What choice do we have? said one of the older women. We have to do something.
The choice between surrendering to the conflict and working toward progress, in any way, was at stake for the participants. They did not fight in the war; they fought the war itself. The worse things became, the more they felt a sense of urgency to do something about it. In the evenings, when it was time for us to go, they would ask for more work, and more reading, and would stay up until all hours, gathering whatever information they could, to take back their communities.
Lesson (iv)
Gender Sensitivity
CHF International aimed for a gender balance in their CAGs. Although there is no 50/50 representational split, there are female members in all of the CAGs throughout Iraq. Almost one-third of the participants in the training were women.
The challenge for the training and the CAGs is not the presence of women but their equal participation in the process. Women spoke in each session during the training, sometimes more than the men. However, it was clear that their roles in society were subordinate to men. During several exercises in which we explored the extent to which women had a role in decision-making at the community level, there was a great discrepancy in perceptions. The men stated that women were equal but noted that they also needed to be protected. Many of the women believed differently. They felt that their opinions were not weighted as seriously as their male counterparts.
One afternoon my co-facilitator and I met alone with all the women from the training to discuss any concerns they had. I opened the meeting with my admiration, explaining how strong they were. One laughed and explained to me, “We may be strong in this classroom, but we can’t be strong at all when we get back to our homes.” They explained that many of them had to ask permission from all of the male members of their families to travel to the training, as it is unusual for a woman to travel alone in Iraq. Their husbands, they reported, had banned some of the women from the training.
The gender discrepancies in perception and experiences challenged me as the trainer. I was careful not to overstep boundaries or purport my ideas on gender equality. At the same time, I knew that empowering the women to have equal footing was critical to the project’s success.
I did not make huge strides on this problem, but I identified one small solution. When it came time for the participants to practice teaching the skills they had learned, my co-facilitator and I paired men and women together and asked them to team teach. We explained that they both had to speak and suggested dividing the training topics evenly between them. This ensured women’s participation and secured their role to co-lead the training back in their communities. I hoped that their fellow community members would see them as strong, trusted, and capable persons, regardless of their gender.
There are four pertinent lessons for a gender component that practitioners can apply to a similar situation: The first point is to include in the training exercises that relate directly to gender equality in post-conflict settings. These exercises should occur several days into the training after trust has been established between the trainers and the participants. The nature of the exercises should be exploratory, not didactic. In other words, participants should have the opportunity to share their ideas without necessarily concluding. The goal is to exchange opinions without alienating any of the participants. One example of this approach is an exercise called “Cross the Line.” In this session, I asked participants to stand in the middle of the room. I read the statement, “women community members have the same opportunities and voice as men to decide on infrastructural projects at the community level.” I then asked those who agreed to go to the right side of the room and those who disagreed with going to the left side. Participants were asked to place themselves in the room based on the strength of their beliefs. For example, if a person strongly agreed, s/he would stand toward the far wall. I then facilitated a discussion between participants about the issue. The trainer should be very careful here, asking probing questions if necessary while remaining completely neutral.
The second lesson for the practitioner is to schedule some time to meet with the women alone. This should be done in the second half of the training when women feel comfortable sharing their opinions candidly. The purpose of the meeting should be to check in and ensure that they are receiving what they need in training to take back to their communities and ascertain what additional tools and training they need to be supported. When I met with the women, they were much more verbal, open, and expressive than they were in front of their male counterparts. They explained that many of them had struggled greatly to get permission to attend the training and noted that they do not wield the same power (even as CAG members) as the men in their villages. They were explicit with their needs and unanimously agreed on their desire for training on women’s human rights.
The third lesson is that at least one of the trainers should be female. Although this poses a challenge for the male participants, it is extremely important for the group. It allows women to feel connected and open, and it requires that the male participants view women as figures of authority. To that end, the female trainer must respect the cultural mores and traditions of the culture. This pertains to dress, behaviors, and actions.
A good example is my colleague’s mistake on the first day of the training. During our first interactive exercise, participants began speaking to each other out of turn. My colleague put her finger to her lips and said, “Shhhhh.” The room fell silent, and the men immediately glared. We realized something had gone wrong. She was wise and asked if she had done something inappropriate. One Mukhtars said, “That is something you do to small children. A woman should never do that to a grown man.” She apologized profusely, and we were careful not to do it again.
The fourth lesson pertains to the follow-up to the training. Without setting guidelines for men and women to partner as trainers, it is easy to run the risk of excluding women from the training process. After meeting with the women, it occurred to me that if we did not establish guidelines, they might not be invited to teach the skills to their communities. We decided to establish male and female teams during the training to ensure an equal role for women.
The gender component in post-conflict settings is fundamental to the process. The point, particularly for trainers from another culture, is to be exploratory and non-judgmental when addressing gender equality directly and ensure that there are systems or guidelines to support equal participation.
Lesson (v)
Peer Teaching
CHF International’s goal for the training was ambitious. The staff wanted CAG members to learn negotiation and mediation skills and teach them in their communities. This required us to dedicate three days of the training to a practicum, in which participants developed their curriculum and then practiced teaching it to their peers. The practitioner should note that this ideally requires five full days at least. We had only three days (after losing one day because of the terrorist attack) and asked participants to work together in the evenings. This extra time allowed for a closer bond between participants. The women reported that they had a very unusual opportunity to sit together with the men in an informal setting for the first time.
The most important aspect of the practicum is that the participants design the training themselves. We asked them as a group to decide how many sessions they should teach and what the topic of each should be. They chose three topics: an introduction to conflict resolution, conflict resolution skills, and negotiation techniques.
Participants spent one full day in the class and two evenings developing hour-long curricula for each session. The material and the way it was presented needed to come from the participants. As trainers, we worked with them to modify some of their ideas, but the curriculum came from them and was based on what they had learned and practiced during the first several days.
The final two days were dedicated to practicing teaching. Each pair was asked to facilitate 20 minutes of the session they would teach in their communities. The trainers and their peers gave them constructive criticism. The sessions were compiled into a workbook and distributed to the participants before leaving the training.
A few key lessons for practitioners became clear to me from this experience. First is the need for the practicum itself, particularly peer teaching. Knowing that the CAG members would have to perform in front of their peers added intensity and dedication to the process. Although some participants seemed nervous about performing in front of their peers, each pair’s constructive criticism was extremely valuable. It allowed them to learn from each other and receive pointers from the trainers.
The other key to the practicum is to ensure that participants develop the curricula themselves. The participants were able to hone in on the specific skills and techniques they believed mattered most in their communities. They changed some of the examples and incorporated some of their ice-breakers and activities. This process allowed them to learn the skills better, internalize them, and fit them into a cultural context that worked for their specific communities.
There was a need for more time, however, in the process. It would be beneficial to consider spending at least two days practicing, allowing participants to practice teaching and refining the curricula several times.

Lesson (vi)
Time on the Ground
The unpredictability of conflict settings makes planning difficult. Flexibility is essential, but more importantly, it is necessary to meet with the local staff for at least one day before the training and each evening. I learned this lesson soon after landing in Irbil. We were told that many of the participants could not get out of Baghdad, and the training would be pushed up by one day. We decided to use this day to go through every facet of the training with the staff, and in hindsight, it was the best thing that could have happened to us. Although staff had already seen the training manual (we sent it to them and the translators prior to the training), many ideas and skills needed modification to fit the cultural context. We went through it carefully and made the changes on the spot. When I asked why they had not told us before, they replied that they did not want to offend us. It became clear that and an open (and repeated) invitation for constructive criticism were best to ensure that the content fit the participants needs.


Questions (10)

Q1. What abstract ideas do not apply in a crisis?
a) Immediate Applicability
b) Relevance
c) Timelessness
d) Universality
Q2. What did the cag members know was available to begin rebuilding parts of their communities?
a) People
b) Funding
c) Debris
d) Time
Q3. What did the cag members struggle with?
a) Power
b) Money
c) Fame
d) Conflicts
Q4. Why did community members protest the building of a road that did not pass by their homes?
a) They Wanted The Road To Be Built By A Different Company
b) The Road Was Too Close To Their Homes
c) They Refused To Allow The Project To Move Forward Unless They Were Included
d) The Road Would Destroy Their Homes
Q5. _________ is fundamental in post-conflict settings.
a) Gender Component
b) Lack Of Access To Food
c) Lack Of Access To Medical Care
d) Lack Of Access To Education
Q6. _________ is the point for trainers from another culture when addressing gender equality directly.
a) To Avoid Making Assumptions
b) To Be Respectful
c) Exploratory And Non-Judgmental
d) To Be An Expert In The Field
Q7. _________ is the most important aspect of the practicum.
a) The Training Is Led By An Expert
b) There Is No Training
c) The Training Is Very Structured
d) Participants Design The Training Themselves
Q8. _________ was extremely valuable to the cag members.
a) Power
b) Money
c) Constructive Criticism
d) Fame
Q9. _________ is the other key to the practicum.
a) Make The Curriculum As Simple As Possible
b) Make The Curriculum As Challenging As Possible
c) Make The Curriculum As Comprehensive As Possible
d) Ensure That Participants Develop The Curricula Themselves
Q10. Surrendering to the conflict and working toward progress was at stake for the participants.
a) True
b) False

The extent to which conflict resolution skills can help people during war depends on two points:
First, there must be a practical and immediate situation to apply the skills. In the case of the CAGs, they had specific community projects and the funding to implement them. The skills they were learning had immediate applicability.
Second, the individuals chosen must be selected based on an ideological commitment. Many CAGs were not chosen to participate. CHF carefully selected CAGs and individuals who had demonstrated a commitment and belief that they had the power to do something in their communities. This belief fuelled the collective and energized them in a contrary way to what one would expect to see during a time of war.
The keys to making the training effects are a practicum and time on the ground with the staff before and throughout the training. Including gender equality as a training component is critical but should not be taught. Rather, the concept should be explored, and the follow-up (in this case, the community training) must be structured to promote power-sharing between men and women.


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